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History of
The Sedition Act of 1798
For the first few years of
Constitutional government, under the leadership of George Washington,
there was a unity, commonly called Federalism that even James Madison
(the future architect of the Republican Party) acknowledged in
describing the Republican form of government--
" And according to
the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans, ought
to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character
of Federalists."
Although legislators had serious
differences of opinions, political unity was considered absolutely
essential for the stability of the nation.
Political parties or factions were
considered evil as
"Complaints are
everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens,
equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and
personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the
public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that
measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice
and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an
interested and overbearing majority..."
Public perception of factions were
related to British excesses and thought to be
"the mortal diseases
under which popular governments have everywhere perished."
James Madison wrote in Federalist
Papers #10,
"By a faction, I
understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a
minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common
impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other
citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the
community."
He went on to explain that faction is
part of human nature;
"that the CAUSES of
faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the
means of controlling its EFFECTS."
The significant point Madison was to
make in this essay was that the Union was a safeguard against factions
in that even if
"the influence of
factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States,
[they will be] unable to spread a general conflagration through the
other States."
What caused men like Thomas Jefferson
and James Madison to defy tradition and public perceptions against
factions and build an opposition party? Did they finally agree with
Edmund Burkes' famous aphorism:
"When bad men
combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an
unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle?"
Did the answer lie in their opposition
with the agenda of Alexander Hamilton and the increases of power both to
the executive branch as well as the legislative branch of government?
Hamilton pushed for The Bank of the United States, a large standing Army
raised by the President (Congress was to raise and support armies,) a
Department of Navy, funding and excise taxes, and, in foreign policy, a
neutrality that was sympathetic to British interest to the detriment of
France. Many legislators, especially those in the south, were alarmed to
the point that a separation of the Union was suggested as the only way
to deal with Hamilton's successes.
Many were afraid that the army would
be used against them as it had during the Whiskey Rebellion. Southerners
saw the taxes to support a new treasury loan favoring "pro-British
merchants in the commercial cities," and unfairly paid by landowners in
the South. These issues as well as neutrality issues between France,
England, and the United States were the catalyst for the forming of the
Republican Party.
The French and English conflict caused
many problems with America's political system. The English "Order of
Council" and the French "Milan Decree" wreaked havoc with America's
shipping and led to Jay's Treaty of 1794. Jay's Treaty was advantageous
to America and helped to head off a war with Britain, but it also
alienated the French. The French reacted by seizing American ships
causing the threat of war to loom large in American minds.
President Adams sent three
commissioners to France to work out a solution and to modify the
Franco-American alliance of 1778, but the Paris government asked for
bribes and a loan from the United States before negotiations could even
begin. The American commissioners refused to pay the bribes and they
were denied an audience with accredited authorities and even treated
with contempt. Two of the commissioners returned to the United States
with Elbridge Gerry staying behind to see if he could work something
out. This became known as the XYZ affair and was the beginning of an
undeclared naval war between France and the United States.
The XYZ affair played right into the
hands of the Federalist Party. They immediately renounced all treaties
of 1788 with France and began their agenda of creating a large standing
army and a Navy Department to deal with the threat of an American-French
war. Fear and patriotism were fanned and a strong anti-French sentiment
swept the land. Then a gem of a caveat was thrown into the Federalist
hands when Monsieur Y boasted that
"the
Diplomatic skill of France and the means she possess in your country,
are sufficient to enable her, with the French party in America, to
throw the blame which will attend the rupture of the negotiations on
the Federalist, as you term yourselves, but on the British party, as
France terms you."
This boast was to cause suspicion and
wide spread denunciation of the Republican Party and its leaders.
Senator Sedgwick, majority whip in the Senate, after hearing of the XYZ
Affair, said,
"It will afford a
glorious opportunity to destroy faction. Improve it."
Hamilton equated the public's
perception of the Republican's opposition to the Federalist's agenda
like that of the Tories in the Revolution. All in all, this boast began
the process that became the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798.
The Republicans debated against the
bills for about a month, but the Federalist had the votes. A background
of fear helped keep the public silent and perhaps somewhat approving to
the loss of some personal freedoms, as nobody wanted to be accused as a
Jacobean. In May of 1778, President Adams declared a day of prayer and
fasting. Many thought that the Jacobeans were going to use that day to
rise up in insurrection and "cut the throats of honest citizens."
They even thought they were going to
attack President Adams and citizens of Philadelphia came out by the
hundreds to protect him. Federalist saw this as a demonstration of
support for the government. Those who spoke against the Sedition bill
were accused of being in league with the Jacobeans. Edward Livingston,
in opposing the bill said, "If we are ready to violate the Constitution,
will the people submit to our unauthorized acts? Sir, they ought not to
submit; they would deserve the chains that our measures are forging for
them, if they did not resist."
The Federalist accused Livingston of
sedition because of his implied threat of popular rebellion; a practice
seen in future debates when unlawful power was to be enforced.
Republican newspapers were railing against the Federalist and especially
against the Sedition bill. The Aoura was the leading Republican
publication and Benjamin Bache was its editor. Baches ability to get the
story out caused much consternation among Federalist. Harrison Gray Otis
said that Baches' writing influenced even intelligent people,
"What can you expect
from the gaping and promiscuous crowd who delight to swallow
calumny..?"
The Federalist needed the Sedition
bill to shut down the Republican presses and Bache played right into
their hands with his publication of Tallyrand's conciliatory letter to
the American envoys before the President had even seen it. Republicans
insisted that this was a journalistic scoop that would lead to peace
because France was willing to negotiate with Edmund Gerry.
The Federalist wanted Bache to explain
how he had received a letter that the President hadn't even seen yet.
They began to accuse him of being in league with France, an agent of
Tallyrand and an enemy of the people of the United States. The
administration was so incensed with Bache that they didn't wait for
passage of the Sedition bill, but had him arrested for treason on June
27, 1778.
From the very beginning Republican
leaders recognized that the Sedition bill was primarily directed toward
the destruction of any opposition to the Federalist Party and its
agenda. Albert Gallatin said the Sedition Act was a weapon "to
perpetuate their authority and preserve their present places."
Proof that this bill was politically
motivated became obvious when the House voted to extend the act from the
original one year proposed to the expiration of John Adams term, March
3, 1801. The States response to the passing of the Sedition Act was
mixed. Kentucky and Virginia each responded with acts basically
nullifying the Congressional act, but other states accepted the Congress
taking authority from what had been a state function. The public
response initially appeared mixed. British common law seemed to have
preconditioned many to accept a limitation of their personal freedoms.
The victory of the Republicans, who
ran on a platform of anti-sedition, in the election of 1800 showed that
Americans were much more interested in personal freedom than the
aristocratic Federalist thought. What would happen if Congress submitted
a Sedition Bill today as they did in 1778?
With our established two-party system
(in marked contrast to their conceptions of factions), the freedom of
press as a well developed principle, and freedom of speech the
cornerstone in American's sense of liberty; it seems that there would be
a major revolt.
Are there any instances in 20th
century history that compares to the Sedition Act's flagrant disregard
of the First Amendment?
No government actions seem so
blatantly unconstitutional as the Sedition Act of 1798; but, there are
many actions since then that have caused much more personal pain than
the twenty-seven persons convicted under the Sedition Act.
In times of war it is understood that
many personal liberties may be curtailed, especially for enemy aliens
living in the United States. The War Relocation Authority signed by
President Roosevelt caused thousands of enemy aliens as well as
Japanese- American citizens to lose everything as they were interned in
concentration camps throughout the West. These Americans were told that
if they were true patriotic citizens they would go without complaining.
If they were to complain then that was prima facie evidence that they
were not loyal citizens.
In June of 1940, America's fear of
German aggression led to the enactment of the Smith Act. Much like the
Alien and Sedition Act it required all aliens to be registered and
fingerprinted. It also made it a crime to advocate or teach the violent
overthrow of the United States, or to even belong to a group that
participated in these actions.
The United States Supreme Court upheld
the constitutionality of the law in the case of eleven communist (Dennis
v United States.) This decision was later modified in 1957 (Yates v
United States.)
The Court limited conviction to direct
action being taken against government, ruling that teaching communism or
the violent overthrow of government did not in itself constitute grounds
for conviction.
Another instance of governmental
infringement of the liberties of American citizens is the well known
Senate Sub-committee on un-American Activities headed by Joseph
McCarthy. Thousands of people lost their livelihood and personal
reputations were shattered by innuendo, finger pointing, and outright
lies. As in earlier instances of uncontrolled excesses by people in
government, guilt was assumed and protestations of innocence were
evidence that "something" was being hidden.
In 1993, rumblings were heard from the
Democratic controlled Congress that there needed to be fairness in
broadcasting. If one viewpoint was shared, they felt the opposing
viewpoint must be given fair time to respond.
This was facetiously called the "Rush
Act" in response to the phenomenal success of conservative radio talk
show host, Rush Limbaugh.
As in the 1790's when Republicans
formed newspapers to counteract the Federalist control of the press;
many conservatives felt that the few conservative broadcasters and
programs had a long way to go before they balanced the liberal press.
Fortunately, as in the 1800 election, Republicans gained control of
Congress in 1992 and the "Rush Act" died a natural death.
Recently many Americans have become
concerned with domestic terrorism. Waco, the Oklahoma Federal Building,
and now the Freemen in Montana have caused citizens and legislators
alike to want something done. The House of Representatives just approved
HR2768. This bill will curtail many liberties for American citizens as
well as Aliens.
The following are eight points made by
the ACLU concerning this bill:
1. Broad terrorism definition risks
selective prosecution
2. More illegal wiretaps and less
judicial control will threaten privacy
3. Expansion of counterintelligence
and terrorism investigations threatens privacy
4. The Executive would decide which
foreign organizations Americans could support
5. Secret evidence would be used in
deportation proceedings
6. Foreign dissidents would be barred
from the United States
7. Federal courts would virtually lose
the power to correct unconstitutional Incarceration
8. Aliens are equated with terrorists
This bill has many points in common with the Alien and Sedition Acts of
1798, the Smith Act of 1950, the McCarren Act of 1950, and the Executive
Order of Feb.19, 1942 that led to War Relocation Authority.
Each one of these actions were taken
when fear controlled the public and an agenda controlled the people in
authority. Thankfully, the American people have the Constitution and the
Bill of Rights to bring them back from the edge, and to force those in
positions of responsibility to accountability.
The responsibility of government lies
with the governed. If the American people react to trying situations and
events in fear, then a general malaise and sense of helplessness will
permeate the collective American consciousness. The abdication of
personal responsibility erodes liberty, creating an atmosphere of
dependency, that leads to bigger government and its pseudo security.
Edward Livingston's statement,
"If we are ready to
violate the Constitution, will the people submit to our unauthorized
acts? Sir, they ought not to submit; they would deserve the chains
that our measures are forging for them, if they did not resist,"
serves as a timely warning to
Americans today. |